The Truth About Said Shamil in the Light of Archival Documents, Part 6 (Finished)

Towards a humiliating end...

Although he was removed from the party leadership, the Poles spent maximum efforts to keep Said Shamil in the Promethean movement. In the meantime, an Armenian alliance formula was developed for the KNK to regain its functionality and pull the NPGK (Popular Party of the Caucasian Mountaineers) out of its vicious circle. Said Shamil was given the role of organizing the talks and mediating the relations with Armenian political circles on the Promethean front’s behalf.  This was going to be a great opportunity for Said Shamil to repair his mortally damaged political career and prestige by the Bicherakhov scandal. However, Said Shamil was not able to use such an opportunity and went beyond the limits of his assigned role when taking initiative and holding talks without informing the corresponding sides of the issue.  Thus, he caused another huge scandal when the Armenian side publicly disclosed the minutes of their meeting with Said Shamil and caused a big noise among the Caucasian émigré circles.[1]  After this event, Said Shamil was almost completely excluded from the political circles of the North Caucasian immigration. Said Shamil continued the anti-Soviet activities expected by the leadership of the Promethean movement in the Muslim Arab World. He attended the Islamic Conference held in Jerusalem on December 7, 1931, at the invitation of the Mufti of Jerusalem, Emin Al-Huseyni, and was elected a member of the presidential council of the conference as the youngest member. Shamil had a decisive role in the anti-communist decisions of many Arab states with his speeches and articles until the coming World War.[2]

Said Shamil thought that all these were a conspiracy against him plotted by the Federalist group, which he had once accused of Bolshevik espionage. Even though the investigations were concluded in the past and the people he accused of espionage were acquitted, Said Shamil thought that he could get out of the political deadlock he was in with a polemic about the Federalists, and he sent letters to various emigration circles, bringing up the old espionage allegations against the Federalists. In one of these letters, Said Shamil wrote;[3]

“A few words about the dissolved Federalist Party (We will say what we know), At the end of 1933, the respected Bahaeddin Bey, who went to Paris to establish an alliance between the parties and the ways of working for the country, met with some valuable compatriots. As a result, we hear that Dr. Shakov Effendi, who is known as a member of the Federalist Party, said during the long meeting nonsense such as "who is so-and-so, what authority does he have, there is not a single man next to him, we are the National Center, we are the People's Federalist Party, we have 150 members only in Turkey". We would like to briefly explain to Shakov Effendi who spoke on behalf of the Federalists and defended Federalism how the Federalists were blessed and for what reasons they were dissolved and abolished.
Yes, the Federalists were formed to liberate our country from our red and white enemies and to work for the ideal of the Caucasian Confederation. This organization, which had nearly a hundred members, and we hoped it would be a strong front against the enemies, could not naturally be from a single center. For this reason, the task of working in the organization was given to some people whose names we consider not necessary to mention here now and who were considered suitable at that time. When the activities of the people who ran the organization were witnessed that no single person could tolerate, our friends naturally withdrew one by one. Later, even the remaining friends, after agreeing with the rest of the organization, made it clear to the organization that they had nothing to do with such a party as a group and that they should not act on their behalf again. They stated that if they would continue doing so, they would be prevented by the governmental measures. These distinguished friends fought heroically against the enemies in our homeland and shed their blood for the wellbeing of our homeland, and since they were true patriots, they naturally could not remain in such disgrace.
What is the main point?  Our friends, who were informed that a person working for the Bolsheviks and belonging to a well-known family in the Caucasus was coming to Turkey through Iran, gave enough information to the organization and other places at that time. However, no one took them into account, and the people in the organization were in close contact with this spy and it was understood that they spent all their time together during his stay in Istanbul. Later, this spy visited Giresun, Samsun, and Trebizond, fulfilled his duty, and returned to Russia safely. As per our investigation of this person through the refugees who fled from the Caucasus, it was understood that our opinion was correct. We were told that he would penetrate this side from Russia again with the same mission. Indeed, after coming back to Turkey and fulfilling the task assigned to him by the Russians by having continuous contact with the organization in the same way, he enjoyed what he gained as a result of some unfounded commercial affairs and then fled back through Syria. That is the reality. This is how the Federalist Party was uprooted. If there are a few people who want to defend him, they are the ones who specialize in making money under a mask. If necessary, we can write the names and objects clearly and with all the proof.”

Said Shamil did not only react against his political rivals but he had harshly criticized some of the decisions and practices of his old comrades from the party cadres when he was expelled from the party. One of these practices was the Caucasian Confederation Pact, signed in Brussels on July 14, 1934, which was signed with the Georgian Mensheviks and Azerbaijani Musavatists and whose legitimacy was discussed at the base of the North Caucasian political emigration. Said Shamil had revealed that he did not approve of this treaty with statements like his political rivals.[4] On March 7, 1936, in a meeting held in Paris between the Polish intelligence and the Paris headquarters of the NPGK, Polish intelligence brought some allegations that there was a rapprochement between Said Shamil and Haydar Bammat's group "KAVKAZ". This rapprochement bothered the NPGK administration a lot. It was stated in the same report that Said Shamil wrote an article to be published in the group's publication.  However, the article had been withdrawn for an unknown reason.[5]  One may presume that the feeling of discomfort arising from his rapprochement with Haydar Bammat's group and the efforts of the NPGK administration to persuade him to rejoin the party to secure financial support from the Poles was effective behind the decision to withdraw his article. Barasbi Baytugan, who preserved his friendly relationship with Said Shamil, tried to persuade him to take the first step towards reconciliation with the Polish financiers. He wanted to use Balo Bilatti's trip to Turkey as an opportunity, and in his letter, he advised Said Shamil to return to the party by telling him to leave his "childish whims" aside. Said Shamil would also agree to return to the party to take advantage of the Warsaw-sourced loans.[6]  Said Shamil, who was welcomed back to the party, attended the general assembly of the Promethean movement held in Paris between May and June 1938 and signed the final declaration as one of the NPGK delegates.[7] 

Learning that Haydar Bammat and his group were negotiating a secret alliance with Japan and that there was Japanese financial support behind Bammat's publications of periodicals, Said Shamil turned his attention to these sources. Said Shamil’s letter to the Japanese Military Attaché in Berlin, Colonel Tanaka, dated 28 November 1937 included the following statements;

“It is my duty to submit the real state of things to the knowledge of our Friends in the Far East, whose high feelings and sincerity regarding our questions cannot be doubted. According to the word given, I have stated my convictions on this. Were it not for your present busyness, I would therefore have liked to transmit to you orally some explanations concerning the situation and the internal works of the Caucasus. However, I sincerely hope that the affairs going on in Paris will not, through their negative and eminently harmful ends, come to disturb the common interests which are of great importance.”

Said Shamil, who adopted the method of smearing his political opponents at every point where he saw financial resources, resorted to the same method again, and while trying to persuade the Japanese to cooperate with him, he did not miss the opportunity to smear Haydar Bammat.[8] In our archival work, we have not yet come across a document indicating that Japanese Colonel Tanaka sent a reply to Said Shamil. However, as the Japanese deepened their cooperation with Haydar Bammat, it is well understood that Said Shamil's letter was not very effective on the Japanese Military Attaché in Berlin. 
Said Shamil was in Warsaw when the Germans started to invade Poland. After the shock of the first wave of attacks, he managed to leave Poland and go to Beirut.[9]  After 15 years of close alliance with the Poles, Said Shamil decided to side with the Germans. He tried to establish contact with the Germans through intermediaries in August 1941, but the Eastern Ministry did not respond to this attempt.[10]  Franz von Papen, the German Ambassador to Turkey included the name of Said Shamil in his list of the representatives of the Soviet enslaved nations that he sent to Berlin.[11]  The German Ambassador, in his letter to German Foreign Minister, Joachim von Ribbentrop dated 25 July 1941 gave detailed information about preparations for the movement in the Caucasus and sending suitable personalities there. While he mentioned his contacts with Said Shamil, he also gave references to the “suitable” names that Said Shamil had proposed to him where the name of General Lazar Bicherakhov again appeared in the agenda.[12] 
In November 1941, a German officer named Pollux sent an interesting report to the headquarters about the activities of the Caucasian political immigration and the quest for an alliance with Nazi Germany. After mentioning the history of the activities of Caucasian political refugees in Europe, Pollux stated that the Caucasian Confederation Pact agreement signed in 1934 was renewed at a meeting held in Paris on May 28, 1940, and attached a copy of the signed agreement to his report. Additionally, Pollux drew attention to the names of the people who attended the meeting and the date and emphasized that the revision of the pact agreement with the participation of Armenians was due to the willingness of the Caucasians to ally with Nazi Germany. The report of Pollux proceeded with the following paragraph;

“Wherever the Caucasian emigrants appear and negotiations are held with them in Germany or abroad, they present a wide variety of demands for the shaping of the areas inhabited by the individual tribes and peoples. It is therefore not without interest to follow the negotiations about a merger of the individual groups into a Caucasian federal state, and the idea is that the basis recently reached could possibly serve as a starting point in the later shaping of the Caucasus region.”

In addition to the individual views of the German officer, the remarkable point in the annex of the report was that one of the signatures under the pact agreement belonged to Said Shamil. Said Shamil once again performed his talents in political opportunism; while he strongly criticized his former comrades for signing this pact agreement in 1934, he himself signed the same agreement in 1940.[13] The Germans distanced themselves from Said Shamil due to his Promethean connection and suspected of cooperation with the British counterintelligence.  In a secret report issued by Dr. Schmidt-Dumont, who worked at the German Embassy in Ankara, on December 1, 1941, the following statements about Said Shamil were noteworthy:[14]

“A trusted Turkestani man reports that he recently met Said Shamil and Cafer Seyid Ahmet during a business visit to Ankara. Both gentlemen would undoubtedly not be able to pay for such a trip to Ankara. He therefore suspects that, like last year, they are still being used by the English Intelligence Service to be depaid. (My source did not consider that German authorities might also be interested in these gentlemen). I also left him in the dark about this…”

Said Shamil tried to break the ice with the Germans thanks to the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Amin Al-Husseini.  A secret German correspondence reveals that Said Shamil used his connection with the Grand Mufti to persuade the Germans to invite him to Berlin;[15]

“As reported by the Istanbul branch, the Grand Mufti expressed the wish to see Said Shamil, who lives in Istanbul, in Germany. As Istanbul also reported, Said Shamil has been a member of one of the central committees of the All-Islamic Congress for years, of which the Grand Mufti is chairman. The Reich Ministry East has occasionally expressed itself to the effect that it is not expedient to promote connections towards the further development of the All-Islamic Movement. In the main, Said Shamil expressed his desire to travel to Germany to help select Caucasian prisoners of war.”

German Nazis tried to collect further intelligence about him through some Muslim leaders. While the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem gave his assurances about Said Shamil, the former Prime Minister of Iraq, Rashid Ali al-Geylani, expressed his reservation by saying "Said Shamil is a person who should be kept under close surveillance due to his uncontrolled mood". This caused the Germans to have continuous doubt about Said Shamil. [16] Just like his former relations with the Poles, Said Shamil tried to be the only interlocutor also for the Germans in these negotiations and requested help from Turkish president Ismet Inönü to eliminate his political rivals.[17]  In a document signed by Dr. Grobba from the German intelligence correspondence dated March 31, 1942, it is understood that Said Shamil achieved his goal and persuaded the Germans to invite him to Berlin;[18]

“With that wish, Said Shamil, the main reason for coming to Germany is not his desire to discuss all-Islamic questions with the Grand Mufti, but rather his intention to get involved, if possible, in the reorganization of things in the Caucasus. In my opinion, he pursued the all-Islamic policy in the years before the war mainly to interest all-Islamic circles in the fate of the Mohammedans in southern Russia.  I believe that Said Shamil, as a good expert on certain areas of the Caucasus and as a man with many connections to the peoples of the Caucasus, could be useful to the counter-intelligence and would therefore like to recommend that the counter-intelligence let him come.”

The prominent German diplomat Friedrich-Werner Graf von der Schulenburg organized a series of meetings with representatives of the Soviet enslaved nations in April 1942.  The series of conferences was named “Adloniade” because of the famous Adlon Hotel in Berlin where both the guests stayed, and the conferences took place.  Said Shamil who was included in the guests' list of von Papen with recommendations of the Turkish foreign ministry and Grand Mufti of Jerusalem arrived in Berlin to participate in the talks on May 11, 1942. One of Said Shamil's well-known opponents Haydar Bammat was also present in Berlin for the talks and stated that Vassan Girey Jabagi was among the guests, but that he refused to attend the conference to avoid being in the same place as Said Shamil.[19]  Said Shamil, to whom the North Caucasian guests were distant in Berlin, became an ally to the well-known politician of Azerbaijan, Mir Yakub Mehdiyev.[20] Shamil hoped that he could convince the Germans of the independence of the North Caucasus and started the negotiations with overly optimistic expectations. Shamil's negotiations with the Germans continued for six months. Although the details of these negotiations are unknown yet, it is well-known that Said Shamil had left Berlin and returned to Istanbul when he learned that the Germans had created a unit called State Commissariat of the Caucasus as a colonial administration and that Arno Schickedanz was appointed as the head of this unit.
The Germans did not want to give any official status initially to the peoples of the East. But when things started to go wrong on the eastern front, at the conference held on October 5, 1943, they formally recognized the National Committees, which were established by the Soviet enslaved peoples.[21]  As per the initiative of Said Shamil, Lazar Bicherakhov came on the agenda of Caucasian émigré groups once again.  Said Shamil has insisted on including him in the North Caucasian Committee where Ahmed Nabi Magoma was the chairing person and Alikhan Kantemir was the spokesperson.  Shamil wanted the German intelligence to appoint Bicherakhov as the head of the Special Military Units (Sonderstab Kaukasus), which was going to consist of soldiers from various Caucasian nations. Said Shamil was inexplicably persisting in his mistake that ended his political career in 1929. As a result of the fierce objections of the Azerbaijani, Georgian, and Armenian committees, especially the North Caucasian National Committee, finally General Bicherakhov was replaced with Sultan Klych Girei.[22]  Said Shamil who could not get what he hoped in the case of Bicherakhov once again did not show any considerable political activity until the end of the war.
After the war, Said Shamil returned to the political scene with the formation of the American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism (AMCOMLIB), which was founded by the USA in 1950. He was the favorite of Robert Dreher, the German-origin director of the committee. AMCOMLIB's definition of Said Shamil was as follows; “He belongs to a famous family; he is rich and we want him in our ranks!”. Said Shamil provided detailed reports to the U.S. officials about other leading figures of the North Caucasian political emigration. Although he was considered to be the best profile to meet the expectations of the USA, Said Shamil's lifestyle was causing a dilemma in the AMCOMLIB administration. Eric Kuniholm, a senior AMCOMLIB executive, gave another striking narrative of Said Shamil.  Kniholm defined Said Shamil as a wanderer who scrolls around Istanbul, Medina, Mecca, Beirut, Cairo, and Geneva. Kuniholm gave a narrative of a big banquet that Said Shamil had given for him on his last night in Istanbul and he stated that the banquet was not the kind of feast one might expect from a "Muslim" leader. Kuniholm sarcastically emphasized the contradiction between Said Shamil's drinking choices and his identity as a Muslim leader, saying, "I was not disturbed with the vodka served one after the other, but I couldn't accept serving vodka in an ordinary water glass." [23] 
While some of the North Caucasian political immigrants cooperated with the U.S. secret services in the anti-Soviet struggle, some figures belonging to the former Promethean movement, which was under the influence of Polish political emigrants, collaborated with British MI6.  On the other hand, Said Shamil in his letter to Tadeusz Schaetzel on September 17, 1951, implied that it was a big mistake to choose England as the center for the rebirth of the Promethean movement. He insisted that the enterprise should be based in the USA and under the auspices of the Americans and that he would not take part in an initiative that was not under the aegis of the United States. [24]
We do not know for now whether Said Shamil's connections with the CIA had gone any further. From an archive record dated April 8, 1952, we are witnessing an interesting legal case filed by Said Shamil against Nazi Germany, for whom he spent great efforts to take an active role in the Eastern campaign in World War II.  Said Shamil filed a lawsuit against the German Government in Turkish Courts, demanding compensation of 107,820 Turkish Liras, an amount equivalent to 38,500 US Dollars according to the currency exchange rates of those days, for 9,800 books and some household items that he stated were destroyed in the apartment when the Germans bombed Warsaw in 1939. It was not possible to obtain any information about the outcome of this court case, but it seems that Said Shamil, whose financial resources were increasingly getting limited, started to resort to interesting methods to get out of such a financial bottleneck.[25]

There is very little information about Said Shamil's activities in the period of the following 20 -25 years. During this time frame, Said Shamil spent most of his time in Middle Eastern countries. On the one hand, Said Shamil, who preserved good relations with Saudi Arabia, on the other hand, tried to retain his ties with the North Caucasian immigrants in Jordan and Egypt. There has been no remarkable information about Said Shamil' activities among the North Caucasian émigré groups in Turkey either. Also, there has been no enough evidence yet that the USA cooperated with Said Shamil in the organization of anti-communist activities although it is widely known that the U.S. secret services carried out an extensive number of operations with North Caucasian individuals since these individuals were mostly chosen from the Soviet citizen Caucasian volunteers in the German army instead of the individuals whose ancestors left the Caucasus in the 19th century. Said Shamil had spent most of his time in Turkey in the second half of the 1970s.  His activities remained mostly in the cultural dimension. He passed away on March 21, 1981, in Istanbul, and was buried in the cemetery in Istanbul beside the other members of his family. 

Although the sudden appearance of Said Shamil on the scene of the history of the North Caucasus in the 1920-1921 period may seem surprising, it is obvious that it was actually a deliberate choice made on purpose on higher levels.  While there were many other knowledgeable and experienced profiles than him to lead the resistance against the Bolshevik occupation of the North Caucasus and to mobilize the masses, he was most likely chosen for this task within a certain plan and strategy. This plan was probably made with the cooperation of the leading profiles of the Circassian Solidarity Association, such as Marshal Deli Fuad Pasha and Shaply Hussein Tosun Bey, and the High Commissioner of the French occupation forces. The main lines of the plan were to implement the aims and strategies of the plan makers unconditionally and to ensure coordination between the plan makers and the forces of Najmudin from Gotsatl (Gotsinki), who was one of the few resistance mechanisms still firmly standing in the North Caucasus. Although the advantage of his grandfather Imam Shamil's name was an important morale and motivation factor for the people, it could not be the only reason for choosing him for such a task. If that were the case, his uncle's son, a well-known Muslim intellectual, Zakhid Shamil would be much more suitable for this mission than 19-year-old Said Shamil. However, maturity, knowledge, and experience were not the qualifications required by the planmakers for this task.
Another assessment made about Said Shamil in the first days of his appearance on the stage of history is that he was a supporter of religious radicalism. However, this assessment of the liberal wing of the mountain intelligentsia was a reflection of the biased perception of Najmudin from Gotsatl due to the conflict at the 1917 Andi Congress where he was accused of being a radical religious by the secular members of the central committee. Najmudin from Gotsatl as the host of Said Shamil in the Caucasus and the addressee of the French was the reason behind the attribution of radical fanaticism to Said Shamil. Although he was born in Arabia and is the grandson of Imam Shamil, he has never been known as a fundamental believer or performed all worship stipulated by Islam. Despite his young age, one of the most important lessons Said Shamil learned in the Caucasus, where he spent 7 months between 1920 and 1921 was that allies such as the French and the Poles, which historically lived under the constant threat of Russia, could allocate serious financial resources to the alliances for the anti-communist or anti-Russian activities. The archival findings prove that Said Shamil enjoyed these incentives very much and has been trying to gain control of such financial sources. Najmudin from Gotsatl, who undertook the patronage of Said Shamil during his stay in the Caucasus, must have understood this as well and did not want to leave Said Shamil alone with such financers. His distrust of Said Shamil was visible from his assignment of Ahmethan Avarski, one of the respected commanders of the Wild Division, as the head of the commercial formation called "Anadolu Company", which was established in Istanbul to finance the resistance activities.[26]  Said Shamil's fondness for materialism has turned him into an incredible populist. The fact that the NPGK cadres consisted of people with very different political tendencies and that this party has made an alliance with the Menshevik Georgians and Musavatist Azerbaijanis, with whom ideologically this party should oppose, is a striking indicator of this populism. Therefore, Said Shamil did not refrain from including party cadres such as Tsarist supporters and Mensheviks, who sabotaged the statehood attempts in the North Caucasus during the 1918-1920 period. It can easily be seen the manifestations of this in some of his statements written in the last period of his life;

“Indeed, this group of people, which we call high-rank army officers, kept repeating the prayer "May God Bless the Tsar" from the beginning to the end of the revolution, in a tone that could be said to be unconscious, was a purely spiritual perversion.”[27]  

There was no doubt that Said Shamil’s alliance with Bicherakhov, which marked the end of his political career, was not an accidental mistake made unconsciously. Said Shamil’s frequent use of his legendary grandfather Imam Shamil's name often worked well. But in the course that had started with Bicherakhov's blunder, he consumed also that credit recklessly. Perhaps the greatest misfortune of Said Shamil was that he found himself in such a chaotic atmosphere at the very young age of 19. It was almost impossible for a young person who did not have enough intellectual maturity, knowledge, and experience of warfare to make his path correctly in such conditions. Somehow, Said Shamil has been dragged into some mistakes by a few leading people surrounding him, and these mistakes have become more and more acute over time.
Archival sources about Said Shamil's activities during the 20 years from the occupation of the Bolsheviks to World War II were almost unreachable in the dark and locked cells of the archives until recent times. The most surprising thing is that all significant political conflicts and scandals of the era were incredibly ignored by the people who were integral parts of the events, and in a way, they prevented transferring the knowledge to the next generations. Two main factors might have triggered such a brush-off. The moral values and nonwritten social discipline codes that are peculiar to the North Caucasian nations inhibit the disclosure of people's mistakes publicly.  Instead, a socially well-disciplined mountaineer is expected to pay the price for his mistakes. One may easily witness the impact of this social code in the case of Said Shamil. Leaders of the mountain immigration must have left Said Shamil's mistakes to the healing power of time in order not to disturb the sacred memory of his grandfather. Preserving the anti-communist struggle front against attacks from the Sovietfolie groups may also be another important factor in covering up Said Shamil’s mistakes. It must also be taken into account that the number of people who were influenced by the Soviet propaganda machine was not negligible during the Cold War period.  As same as the trends all over the World, North Caucasian immigration was also influenced by brainwashing attempts of communist groups.  So, it is very much possible that the anti-communist groups would try covering up the mistakes of Said Shamil with the fear of weakening resistance against manipulations of the Soviet side.
Thus, Said Shamil should be examined as a separate individual regardless of his grandfather's name. Otherwise, artificial efforts for the glorification of the name of Said Shamil can hurt the memory of many other important political figures of the era who suffered because of his mistakes.  If this can be achieved, then political and military figures of the North Caucasus during the period of revolutions and world wars can be evaluated more accurately.  Above all, historical truths and wrongs will be analyzed soon in more detail about this controversial figure of North Caucasian immigration with the new archival documents that I have been studying for about a year. Hopefully, our new book will appear on the shelves in the summer of 2024.

Cem Kumuk
Istanbul, 12 January 2024

[1] Georges Mamoulia, Les combats indépendantistes des Caucasiens entre URSS et puissances occidentales, Paris, 2009, p.134-136
[2] Yılmaz Nevruz, “Said Şamil'den Muhaceretteki Kuzey Kafkasyalıların 'Esir Vatan'ın Kurtuluşuyla İlgili Mücadelelerine Işık Tutan Tarihi Bir Mektup” , Birleşik Kafkasya, No:3, 1995, p.49
[3] Haydar Bammat Private Archive, Said Shamil’s letter dd 28 February 1934
[4] Nevruz, Op.cit. p.51.
[5] Pawel Libera, II Rzeczpospolita wobec ruchu prometejskiego. Vol. 4., Warsaw, 2013.  p.363.
[6] РГВА. F. 461-к. Оp.1. D.369. L.16-25, 29-43
[7] ibid. Op.2. D. 39. L.68-70; ibid. Оp.1, D.367. L.16-18
[8] Haydar Bammat Private Archive, Said Shamil’s letter dd 28 November 1937
[9] Nevruz, Op.cit. p.53
[10] Patrik von zur Mühlen, Gamalıhaç ile Kızılyıldız Arasında, Ankara, 1984, p.120
[11] ibid. p.67
[12] Deutsches Politisches Archiv, Bericht der deutschen Botschaft in Therapia vom 25.07.1941, Sign. RZ 211/261174, L. 96-97
[13] ibid. L.347,358-59
[14] ibid. Sign. RZ 211/261175, L. 002
[15] ibid. L.196
[16] Mühlen, Op.cit., p.120
[17] ibid. p.121
[18] Deutsches Politisches Archiv, Sign. RZ 211/261175, L. 197-8
[19] Schweizerisches Bundesarchiv, E4320B#1991/243#1265*, Az.C.13.01061 P. Bammate Haidar. Dokument Nr. 30. Bl. 1–4.; Nr. 31. Bl. 1–3.
[20] ibid. Dokument Nr.36. Bl. 1–9.
[21] Mühlen, Op.cit., p.86,96
[22] Hans Werner Neulen, An deutscher Seite - Internationale Freiwillige von Wehrmacht und Waffen-SS, Munich, 1992. s.321
[23] Ian Johnson, A Mosque in Munich, New York, 2010. p.87-88
[24] Archiwum Instytut Józefa Piłsudskiego w Londynie. 709/148/5/4 L.286-288; 709/148/5. L.74-75;  709/148/6. L.1-12; 709/148/5/7 L.355-357; 709/148/5/4 L.248-250
[25] TC Cumhurbaşkanlığı Devlet Arşivleri, Dışişleri Diplomatik Arşivi, 501.34246.134884
[26] Mukhtarov U., “Predaniya o Nazhmudine Gotsinskom v Chechne”, Akhulgo. 1999. № 3. p.19-22.
[27] Nevruz, Op.cit., p.48-49